Bu konuyla ilgili bir kac gun once Jerussalem Post gaztesinde Caroline Glick'in kaleme aldigi
"Israil Turkiye'yi Nasil Kaybetti" baslikli yazisini da paylasmak istedim. Bire bir ceviri yapmasam da ozet gectigimi ifade etmeliyim.
Glick, Turkiye'nin AK parti basa geldiginden beri nasil adim adim Bati'dan yuz cevirip kendi icinde bir Pro Islamci yone dogru kaydigini, bunu da 2003'deki Amerika' nin Irak politikasinda tezkere'nin Meclis'ten gecirmemesiyle
(yalniz Caroline'a hatirlatmak isterim ki tezkereye AK Parti milletvekillerinin cogu bildiigm kadariyla destek vermislerdi. CHP'nin full reddiyle meclisten gecmemisti), akabinde 2006'da Hamas'i ulkesine davet ederken bebek katilleri olan Hamas'la gorusmek icin Israil'i bilgilendirmedigi icin birden Kudus'un tansiyonunu cikardigini (her ne kadar yazar biraz milliyetci olsa da kanaatimce soyle ki, Turkiye evet Israil'e gore suphesiz buyuk bir devlettir ama bolgede iki milleti ilgilendiren hususta "ben agbiyim, diledigimi yaparim" gibi tafralara girmemesi ve hkumetin dini kimligini uluslararasi iliskilerin icine karistirmadan ve tamamen yansiz olarak iki tarafin da gonlunu alarak bu isi becerebilirdi.) Yazar ayni sekilde IYershalayim'in de 2006'de Lubnan'a saldirirken Ankara'dan izin almadigini soyluyor. Turkiye'nin bi rkez daha taraf tutarak Iran ve Suriye'den Lubnan'a yapilan silah yiginagini gormezden gelerek tamamen Israil'i sucladigini ve salt bir Hamasciliga soyundugunu ve BM'yi goreve cagirdigini ifade ediyor. Sonrasinda Davos'ta dunyanin gozu onunde "siz oldurmeyi iyi bilirsiniz" diyerek sert bir uslubu tercih ettigini, Suriye ile olan arabuculuk yapacagini soyledigi halde birden 180 derece donup Suriye ile askeri tatbikatlara girdigini ve iliskilerini gelistirip Suriye -Israil konusunda tarafsiz olacagini iddia ederken, Suriye dostu oluverdigini, bunu da 11 Ekim'de IDF'i askeri tatbikata almadigini ve almama gerekcesi olarak ta "Turk halkinin istegi bu yonde" diyerek sacmaladigini, yetmezmis gibi Iran'in nukleer zenginlestirmesi calismalarina tam destek verdigini ifade ediyor. Once Israil'i bebek katilleri olmakla suclarken sonra kalkip bir Universitede Turkler'in Yahudilerden nasil para yapildigini ogrenmelerini salikladigini soyluyor. Butun bunlar yetmezmis gibi devlete ait olan bir kanalda yayinlanan (TRT1) bir dizide Israil askerlerinin bebekleri oldurdugu sahnelerin cekildigi , bunun uzerine Israil Dis Isleri Bakanligi'nin Israil'deki Turk Buyukelcisine protestolarini iletmek isterken son 3 haftadir Buyukelci'nin Israil'de olmadigina dikkat cekiyor. Bush yonetiminin, sekuler Turklerin ,AKP'nin basa gelirse Siyasal Islam'in Turkiye'de onu alinamayacak olmasi uyarilarini goz ardi ederek Batili Turklerin cesaretini kirdigini ve onlarin artik AKP'nin iktidarda kalabilme sartinin Anti Amerikanci ve Anti Semitik olma sebatkarligi olduguna inandiklarini soyluyor.
Avrupa Birligi ilerleme raporlarini yerine getirmeye calisan Trkiye'nin, Avrupa Birligi'nin istegiyle idam cezasi gibi cezalari cikarttigi halde Turkiye'nin yine de AB'ye yaranamadigini ve kirilan onurunu tamir etmek icin Turkiye'nin kendini Islam kardeslerinin kollarina attigini ileri suruyor. Yazar ayrica, Iran'in kucagina oturmus bir AKP'li iktidar yerine, ordu kontrollu demokratik bir Turkiye
(ordu ile demokrasi nasil bir arada olacaksa??) gormeyi yeglediklerini soyluyor. Tipki Afganistan'da Al Kaide veya Taliban yonetimi bir Afganistan yerine bozuk dokuk te olsa bir Amerikan-Avrupa denetimli/destekli bir yonetimi tercih etmeyi yegledikleri gibi.
Yazara burada katilamayacagim. Islamci olmayalim da kislaci olalim anlayisi kesinlikle kabul edilebilir bir arguman degil. HOW TURKEY WAS LOSTOctober 16, 2009
Caroline Glick, THE JERUSALEM POST
Once the apotheosis of a pro-Western, dependable Muslim democracy, this
week Turkey officially left the Western alliance and became a full
member of the Iranian axis.
It isn't that Ankara's behavior changed fundamentally in recent days.
There is nothing new in its massive hostility toward Israel and its
effusive solicitousness toward the likes of Syria and Hamas. Since the
Islamist AKP party first won control over the Turkish government in the
2002 elections, led by AKP chairman Recip Tayyip Erdogan, the Turks have
incrementally and inexorably moved the formerly pro-Western Muslim
democracy into the radical Islamist camp populated by the likes of Iran,
Syria, Hizbullah, al-Qaida and Hamas.
What made Turkey's behavior this week different from its behavior in
recent months and years is that its attacks were concentrated,
unequivocal and undeniable for everyone outside of Israel's scandalously
imbecilic and flagellant media.
Until this week, both Israel and the US were quick to make excuses for
Ankara. When in 2003 the AKP-dominated Turkish parliament prohibited US
forces from invading Iraq through Kurdistan, the US blamed itself.
Rather than get angry at Turkey, the Bush administration argued that its
senior officials had played the diplomatic game poorly.
In February 2006, when Erdogan became the first international figure to
host Hamas leaders on an official state visit after the jihadist group
won the Palestinian elections, Jerusalem sought to explain away his
diplomatic aggression. Israeli leaders claimed that Erdogan's red carpet
treatment for mass murderers who seek the physical destruction of Israel
was not due to any inherent hostility on the part of the AKP regime
toward Israel. Rather, it was argued that Ankara simply supported
democracy and that the AKP, as a formerly outlawed Islamist party, felt
an affinity toward Hamas as a Muslim underdog.
Jerusalem made similar excuses for Ankara when during the 2006 war with
Hizbullah Turkey turned a blind eye to Iranian weapons convoys to
Lebanon that traversed Turkey; when Turkey sided with Hamas against
Israel during Operation Cast Lead, and called among other things for
Israel to be expelled from the UN; and when Erdogan caused a diplomatic
incident this past January by castigating President Shimon Peres during
a joint appearance at the Davos conference. So, too, Turkey's open
support for Iran's nuclear weapons program and its galloping trade with
Teheran and Damascus, as well as its embrace of al-Qaida financiers have
elicited nothing more than grumbles from Israel and America.
Initially, this week Israel sought to continue its policy of making
excuses for Turkish aggression against it. On Sunday, after Turkey
disinvited the IAF from the Anatolian Eagle joint air exercise with
Turkey and NATO, senior officials like Deputy Foreign Minister Danny
Ayalon and opposition leader Tzipi Livni tried to make light of the
incident, claiming that Turkey remains Israel's strategic ally.
But Turkey wasted no time in making fools of them. On Monday, 11 Turkish
government ministers descended on Syria to sign a pile of cooperation
agreements with Iran's Arab lackey. The Foreign Ministry didn't even
have a chance to write apologetic talking points explaining that brazen
move before Syria announced it was entering a military alliance with
Turkey and would be holding a joint military exercise with the Turkish
military. Speechless in the wake of Turkey's move to hold military
maneuvers with its enemy just two days after it canceled joint training
with Israel, Jerusalem could think of no mitigating explanation for the
move.
Tuesday was characterized by escalating verbal assaults on the Jewish
state. First Erdogan renewed his libelous allegations that Israel
deliberately killed children in Gaza. Then he called on Turks to learn
how to make money like Jews do.
Erdogan's anti-Israel and anti-Semitic blows were followed on Tuesday
evening by Turkey's government-controll ed TRT1 television network's
launch of a new prime-time series portraying IDF soldiers as baby- and
little girl-killers who force Palestinian women to deliver stillborn
babies at roadblocks and line up groups of Palestinians against walls to
execute them by firing squad.
The TRT1 broadcast forced Israel's hand. Late on Tuesday, the Foreign
Ministry announced it was launching an official protest with the Turkish
Embassy. Unfortunately, it was unclear who would be coming to the
Foreign Ministry to receive the demarche, since Turkey hasn't had an
ambassador in Israel for three weeks.
TURKEY'S BREAK with the West; its decisive rupture with Israel and its
opposition to the US in Iraq and Iran was predictable. Militant Islam of
the AKP variety has been enjoying growing popularity and support
throughout Turkey for many years. The endemic corruption of Turkey's
traditional secular leaders increased the Islamists' popularity. Given
this domestic Turkish reality, it is possible that Erdogan and his
fellow Islamists' rise to power was simply a matter of time.
But even if the AKP's rise to power was eminently predictable, its
ability to consolidate its control over just about every organ of
governance in Turkey as well as what was once a thriving free press, and
change completely Turkey's strategic posture in just seven years was far
from inevitable. For these accomplishments the AKP owes a debt of
gratitude to both the Bush and Obama administrations, as well as to the
EU.
The Bush administration ignored the warnings of secular Turkish leaders
in the country's media, military and diplomatic corps that Erdogan was a
wolf in sheep's clothing. Rather than pay attention to his past attempts
to undermine Turkey's secular, pro-Western character and treat him with
a modicum of suspicion, after the AKP electoral victory in 2002 the Bush
administration upheld the AKP and Erdogan as paragons of Islamist
moderation and proof positive that the US and the West have no problem
with political Islam. Erdogan's softly peddled but remorselessly
consolidated Islamism was embraced by senior American officials intent
on reducing democracy to a synonym for elections rather than
acknowledging that democracy is only meaningful as a system of laws and
practices that engender liberal egalitarianism.
In a very real sense, the Bush administration's willingness to be taken
in by Erdogan paved the way for its decision in 2005 to pressure Israel
to allow Hamas to participate in the Palestinian elections and to coerce
Egypt into allowing the Muslim Brotherhood to participate in its
parliamentary poll.
In Turkey itself, the administration's enthusiastic embrace of the AKP
meant that Erdogan encountered no Western opposition to his moves to end
press freedom in Turkey; purge the Turkish military of its secular
leaders and end its constitutional mandate to preserve Turkey's secular
character; intimidate and disenfranchise secular business leaders and
diplomats; and stack the Turkish courts with Islamists. That is, in the
name of its support for its water-downed definition of democracy, the US
facilitated Erdogan's subversion of all the Turkish institutions that
enabled liberal norms to be maintained and kept Turkey in the Western
alliance.
As for the Obama administration, since entering office in January it has
abandoned US support for democracy activists throughout the world, in
favor of a policy of pure appeasement of US adversaries at the expense
of US allies. In keeping with this policy, President Barack Obama paid a
preening visit to Ankara where he effectively endorsed the Islamization
of Turkish foreign policy that has moved the NATO member into the arms
of Teheran's mullahs. Taken together, the actions of the Bush and Obama
White Houses have demoralized Westernized Turks, who now believe that
their country is doomed to descend into the depths of Islamist
extremism. As many see it, if they wish to remain in Turkey, their only
recourse is to join the Islamist camp and add their voices to the rising
chorus of anti-Americanism and anti-Semitism sweeping the country.
Then there is the EU. For years Brussels has been stringing Turkey
along, promising that if it enacts sufficient human rights reforms, the
80-million strong Muslim country will be permitted to join Europe. But
far from inducing more liberal behavior on the part of Turkey, those
supposedly enlightened reforms have paved the way for the Islamist
ascendance in the country. By forcing Turkey to curb its military's role
as the guarantor of Turkish secularism, the EU took away the
secularists' last line of defense against the rising tide of the AKP. By
forcing Turkey to treat its political prisoners humanely and cancel the
death penalty, the EU eroded the secularists' moral claim to leadership
and weakened their ability to effectively combat both Kurdish and
Islamist terror.
At the same time, by consistently refusing to permit Turkey to join the
EU, despite Ankara's moves to placate its political correctness,
Brussels discredited still further Turkey's secularists. When after all
their self-defeating and self-abasing reforms, Europe still rejected
them, the Turks needed to find a way to restore their wounded honor. The
most natural means of doing so was for the Turks writ large to simply
turn their backs on Europe and move toward their Muslim brethren.
FOR ITS part, as the lone Jewish state that belongs to no alliance,
Israel had no ability to shape internal developments in Turkey. But
still, Turkey's decision to betray the West holds general lessons for
Israel and for the free world as a whole. These lessons should be
learned and applied moving forward not only to Turkey, but to a whole
host of regimes and sub-national groups in the region and throughout the
world.
In the first instance it is crucial for policy-makers to recognize that
change is the only permanent feature of the human condition. A country's
presence in the Western camp today is no guarantee that it will remain
there in the future. Whether a regime is democratic or authoritarian or
somewhere in the middle, domestic conditions and trends play major roles
in determining its strategic posture over time. This is just as true for
Turkey as it is for the US, for Iran and for Sweden and Egypt.
The loss of Turkey shows that countries can and do change. The best way
to influence that change is to remain true to one's friends, even if
those friends are imperfect. Only by strengthening those who share one's
country's norms and interests - rather than its procedures and rhetoric
- can governments exert constructive influence on internal changes in
other states and societies.
Moreover, it is only by being willing to recognize what makes an ally an
ally and an adversary an adversary that the West will adopt policies
that leave it more secure in the long run. A military-controlled Turkish
democracy that barred Islamists from political power was more desirable
than a popularly elected AKP regime that has moved Turkey into the
Iranian axis. So, too, a corrupt Western-dependent regime in Afghanistan
is more desirable than a Taliban-al-Qaida terror state. Likewise an
unstable, weakened mullocracy in Iran challenged by a well-funded,
liberal opposition is preferable to a strong, stable mullocracy that has
successfully repressed its internationally isolated liberal rivals.
Turkey is lost and we'd better make our peace with this devastating
fact. But if we learn its lessons, we can craft policies that check the
dangers that Turkey projects and prepare for the day when Turkey may
decide that it wishes to return to the Western fold.
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